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or more than 30 years, Sone worked in Lao state media, first for the government’s news department, and then for Lao State Television. He held various roles, managing what information was deemed suitable for the people of Laos.
But when he retired in 2015, he did what he really wanted to do: advocating for what he believed to be news that people truly deserved to know. To do that, though, he had to join a Western media outlet and emigrate.
“Like many ethical and professional Lao journalists, we left or some even fled for safety to work abroad,” said Sone, who like other Lao journalists interviewed for this story requested a pseudonym. “The job (in Laos) was meant to convey only the messages from those in power to the people at the bottom, not the other way around. It was not genuinely meant to answer or solve pressing issues.”
As a state TV anchor, Sone said that he experienced even stricter censorship than his media colleagues, with government and authorities heavily controlling the news he could report.
Only coverage of government projects or official press releases from government conferences were allowed to be broadcast and televised to the public, he said. The state press releases had to be reported in full and without revisions, Sone added.

Today Lao media minders have their hands full as online publications (including foreign ones) and social media constantly challenge official narratives. Yet, in its latest Freedom in the World Report, U.S.-based rights group Freedom House still gave Laos a score of “0/4” when it came to having a free and independent media.
And while the country improved its standing in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index of the international media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) compared to the year before, it nevertheless ranked 153 out of 180 countries, and was described as an “information ‘black hole’ from which little reliable information emerges.”
‘Flowery reports’
Most journalists would tell you that the profession is fraught with difficulties. But those in Lao media are among the journalists who face challenges even before they step out of the newsroom to cover a story or start typing on their keyboards.
Laos is a one-party socialist state in which the press – like all other institutions – is expected to support and advance the nation’s interests, as defined by the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP), and the government’s goals. Although all journalists in Laos are expected to adhere to guidelines that align with the government’s interests and those of its allies, those working in state media outlets in particular take special care to ensure their content avoids any issues that could mar the government’s image or agenda.
The term “flowery report” or ລາຍງານດອກໄມ້ in Lao is often used to describe state media coverage that is excessively optimistic and heavily biased toward supporting the government’s agenda.
Khamphone, who until recently was a senior editor at a state news agency, said that they even had to ensure that the stories they wrote and published were aligned with the perspectives of the country or government with which Laos had strong ties or partnerships.
As a result, he said, they would just run verbatim the reports produced by the partner-country’s own state media.

“You need to be careful of what sides you take on,” said Khamphone, who is now a communications consultant with a non-profit organization. “My (former) publication has license-free news articles from China Daily, Xinhua, and Russian media outlets and just re-publishes their global and political news articles.”
“Definitely,” he continued, “we can cover those ourselves. But it is not worth the troubles we could face later.”
That sounded familiar to Sone, who recalled, “Although we really wanted to report on [the pressing issues for common people], it was nearly impossible to publish negative news—like unfinished road projects or police issues—because state journalists wouldn’t take that risk. No one would support them if they faced trouble, so they simply continued their work and collected their pay.”
“Information is power,” Sone said. “If anyone causes problems, you can’t climb up the career ladder because all state journalists are the party members serving the government and the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party.” Attempts to make “slight changes” to the party narrative, he said, “could change your career prospects.”
A somewhat looser leash
Yet while that appears to remain true for journalists working for state media, those in private media outlets enjoy some leeway – although not really by much.
Boun, a young journalist with a private publication, said that at the very least, they are not obligated to limit themselves to printing only state press releases.
“We focus on the quality news contents that distinguish us, as state media often presents news about their achievements and activities, such as government conferences or official social events on a daily basis,” said the 26-year-old. “Those are things we don’t often publish, because private media is not obliged to cover every piece of such content since we don’t get paid by the government.”
In the four years that she has been working as a journalist, Boun said that she has done pieces on police issues and government projects – which Sone had said they steered clear of in the state media he worked for — and in manners not seen in government outfits. But she said that she can feel the restrictions around her.

“There’s always a department at the ministry (of information, culture, and tourism) that monitors and sends warnings or feedback on our articles if we publish anything not officially released by the government,” said Boun. “As long as we stick to government statements or official news, we can continue.”
She said that private media companies like her employer also avoid doing stories on politics in other countries because, Boun explained, these have little impact on Laos anyway. At the same time, however, she said that such pieces might attract criticism from authorities if they are perceived as casting Laos or the countries it cultivates close ties with in an unflattering light.
Boun also admitted that whenever authorities send ‘critiques’ on a piece that she wrote, she would just revise whatever she had posted in accordance to the ‘feedback.’ But her unease in doing so was palpable as she talked to Asia Democracy Chronicles (ADC) and related how she still needs to comply with the official news angles and statements regulated by the government when.
“As much as we want to report on different news angles or make our own investigations on news stories,” said Boun, “it is always difficult to publish a piece that presents an entirely different angle from that of the government or what is considered to be official.”
Cries and punishment
That may help explain why local news outlets were slow to report on the death of at least six tourists due to methanol-tainted drinks in Vang Vieng last November.
Although local journalists apparently helped their foreign colleagues piece together what had happened, no one among the former filed a story on it for the local papers until after the government produced an official statement – which came two days after foreign publications began reporting on the incident.
By then, too, news about the tragedy in Vang Vieng was already circulating on social media, which has become the go-to source of many Lao for information.
The popularity of social media and online news sources among Lao has not been lost on the government. After all, social media platforms have also become places wherein members of the public are now sometimes voicing their frustrations over policies or acts of officials – and getting into trouble with authorities as a result.
While some of the online complainers have been let off by having them issue a public apology, others have been “re-educated” or even detained.
Laos has had its Law on Prevention and Combating Cyber Crime since 2015. Under the law, individuals or organizations who post online criticism that leads to public backlash or is deemed to “cause damage via social media” can face imprisonment from three months to three years, along with a fine of LAK 4,000,000 (about US$183) to LAK 5,000,000 (US$229).
This law also established the Lao Computer Emergency Response Center, a unit tasked with closely monitoring online activities, further tightening restrictions on freedom of expression and limiting space for public dissent.
The law obviously applies to journalists as well, along with online publications. But although Boun is disheartened on the continued restrictions on journalists, she believes that the private media could help lead to better and wider coverage of issues.
“If we keep on,” she said, “(maybe) we can shape new news perspectives one day.”
As for Sone, he still keeps an eye on Laos from his overseas base and has yet to lose the desire to bring accurate information to the people of his homeland.
“In the eyes of the government, it may seem like a betrayal to switch sides on reporting the news,” Sone told ADC. “But revealing what is truly happening inside Laos holds greater value than concealing or erasing the information that people deserve to know about their country.” ◉