Myanmar’s two terrors

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yphoon Yagi rampaged across at least four countries in mainland Southeast Asia in early September, leaving floods, landslides, and widespread destruction in its wake. In Myanmar, where the junta has put the official death toll at 384 as of this writing, and 89 still missing, people are starting to pick up pieces of their upended lives weeks after. 

But they say they are doing most of the rebuilding themselves, while the country’s military rulers seem to be more preoccupied with crushing its own people even more. 

Sometime after the military seized power from a duly elected civilian government in February 2021, Myanmar found itself deep in a civil war, with the pro-democracy People’s Defence Force (PDF) forming alliances with ethnic armies against the state armed forces. 

Post-Yagi this September, even as wide swathes of Myanmar remained inundated with floodwater and hundreds of thousands of people had been left homeless and without food and water, the military was still in combat mode, intensifying its military operations and airstrikes on civilian areas.

On Sept. 19 alone, the military launched devastating airstrikes on northern Shan State, targeting regions where ethnic armed groups opposed to the junta are active. According to reports from the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and local residents, over 70 bombs were dropped on the towns of Nawnghkio and Hsipaw. 

In Hpakant, the military bombed Hseng Taung village, just a few kilometers southeast of the area. Residents of Lashio township, now under the control of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), also confirmed frequent bombings there.

The junta’s aggression has extended beyond northern Myanmar, where Yagi had slammed through on Sept. 10, after wreaking havoc in Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam. In Myanmar central regions like Sagaing, which are still largely flooded, the military has escalated its offensives. 

A revolutionary fighter in Sagaing reported that the junta intensified attacks even during the peak of the current crisis. On Sept. 18, junta forces carried out at least six airstrikes on Malal village in Kantbalu Township, destroying homes and a local monastery.

A conflict analyst pointed out that in neighboring countries like Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam, military forces deploy personnel and helicopters for humanitarian purposes during natural disasters. 

In stark contrast, said the analyst, Myanmar’s military uses its helicopters to bomb civilian areas and wage war on its own people. While other governments prioritize saving lives, Myanmar’s junta seems intent on taking them.

This ongoing brutality, even amid a calamity that has caused several hundred deaths and affected at least 887,000 people across the country, shows the military’s priorities: destroying those who oppose it rather than helping those in need.

“I cannot think of any other country that has been as unlucky as ours, enduring disaster after disaster,” said Daisy, a humanitarian worker from Demoso township in northwestern Kayah State. “People lost their permanent homes due to the airstrikes by the military, and now they’ve lost their temporary homes in the IDP (internally displaced people) camps because of another calamity.”

“Sometimes,” she continued, “I feel like our country and our people are cursed, facing both the terrors of the government and the terrors of nature.”

Slow or no state response

Typhoon Yagi first ripped through parts of the Philippines and southern China before heading toward mainland Southeast Asia. 

In Myanmar, at least 69 townships were affected by floods. Areas in and near the junta’s capital Nay Pyi Taw, such as Bago, Kayah (Karenni), Karen, Magway, Mandalay, Mon, and Shan states were among those that experienced severe flooding and landslides. 

In Thabyaypin village in the Mandalay region, 80 residents went missing after torrential floodwaters swept away most of the homes there. Of the more than 350 houses in the village, there are now only around 40 still standing. 

Daw Tin said that her village in Yamethin Township, also in the Mandalay region, went completely underwater because of the typhoon. 

“In my 50 years of life, this is the worst natural disaster I’ve ever experienced,” she said. “My entire village disappeared, and many houses are gone. I was fortunate enough to survive by staying in a tree for a whole day, without food or water.”

Yet what has emerged in the midst of the calamity is the lack of swift action from Myanmar’s military rulers, as well as the absence in the state agenda of any clear humanitarian or disaster prevention programs. 

While there is some truth in an observation by a BBC report that Myanmar suffers from an “unstable patchwork of governance” given that the junta has “lost control of large parts of the country,” it is also true that the military had been initially unresponsive to the crisis even in areas where it has strong presence. 

Indeed, despite the flooding occurring near Nay Pyi Taw – right under the nose of the junta and its offices – local residents reported that they received no immediate rescue or support from the military. 

“We were saved by the community rescue teams, not by the regime,” said a resident from a village near Nay Pyi Taw. “Military or security personnel didn’t show up until days later, and we’ve had no proper aid from them.”

A former government employee now involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) expressed deep frustration over the junta’s slow action, saying,  “It’s clear that the military lacks the capacity to manage such disasters. They failed to issue early warnings, didn’t prepare for the inevitable impacts, and launched no swift rescue missions.”

“Half of the catastrophe is the typhoon,” said the ex-state worker who was once in disaster management. “But the other half, undeniably, is the fault of the regime. Sometimes, I wonder if this is incompetence or if they’re deliberately leaving people to die.”

A crippled civil society

The junta’s oppression and crackdown on freedom of association and civil-society organizations (CSOs) have made the situation worse. CSOs and community-based organizations (CBOs), which previously played critical roles in responding to natural disasters, are now severely crippled. 

Many can no longer function as they once did, with activists and CSO and CBO workers on the run due to military crackdowns. In some cases, the organizations themselves are barely operational. This has further limited the ability of civil society sector to mount swift and effective responses to disasters.

Ko Tun, a former member of a Mandalay-based charity group, described how the military’s restrictions have decimated the network of local organizations that once thrived: “Many CBOs and charity organizations are dysfunctional now. We used to have many more before the military’s oppression.”

“Flooding is not new to us – we’ve dealt with it every rainy season—but back then, the number of organizations helping was greater. Now, many of us can’t function because of the regime’s restrictions, and young people are fleeing due to conscription laws,” added Ko Tun.

In the face of overwhelming disaster and little or no governmental support, the people of Myanmar have had no choice but to rely on one another. After videos and evidence of the flooding went viral, Facebook became full of posts calling for help. 

Many people had apparently been trapped in trees for days, clinging to branches without rescue teams in sight. Some harrowing footage showed entire homes being swept away by the floodwaters, as well women sharing trees with poisonous snakes.

“All night and day, my Facebook feed was filled with videos and posts of people asking for help,” said social-media user Aung Aung. “It made me feel deeply sad and touched by their stories.”

The viral images and videos ignited countless community-driven support initiatives. The response was swift, and several community groups and individual volunteers took action, launching rescue missions to affected areas despite having limited resources and unsure access. 

But the people’s generosity shone through, with many turning to social media to raise funds for these efforts.

People organized creative fundraising activities to contribute to the relief efforts. Some offered free business consultations in exchange for donations, while others sold their artwork. Many artists and social media influencers also launched donation drives, raising considerable sums in a matter of days. Celebrities and community figures traveled to flood-hit areas to provide both mental and physical support, while others took to the streets to sing and hold rallies for donations. 

Corporations and businesses also stepped in, with companies like KBZ Bank announcing donations of billions of kyats.  The outpouring of support wasn’t limited to Myanmar; overseas diaspora groups also organized fundraising events. 

For example, the Burma Students Association at Chiang Mai University raised more than THB 150,000 (US$4,620) for humanitarian assistance in Southern Shan State.

“Without a doubt, the Myanmar community is incredibly generous,” said one fundraiser. “I was able to raise funds quickly and received numerous donations. I coordinate directly with people on the ground to ensure the money is spent wisely, focusing on the areas that haven’t been reached yet.”

And yet the shadow of the military regime looms even over these grassroots efforts. Even in the midst of a disaster, many fundraisers have faced challenges as the junta has frozen bank accounts, citing irregular transactions and accusing some of supporting the PDF or revolutionary groups. 

Said one fundraiser, whose account was frozen: “I went to the bank to clarify that the funds were for charity purposes, clearly noted for the flood victims, but they told me they couldn’t do anything because the freeze was ordered by the Central Bank.”

Meanwhile, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing has made what many call a “rare request” for foreign aid for Yagi survivors. India had been the first to respond, while help has been pledged as well by the likes of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the UN World Food Programme (WFP). 

A recent report by Radio Free Asia, however, said that the junta has been “blocking the delivery of relief goods and donations” in eastern Myanmar, suspecting that these are actually going to “rebel groups.” ◉